1998 Video and Computer
Game Report Card
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Video Game Violence: What Does the Research Say?
David Walsh, Ph.D.
President, National Institute on Media and the Family
December 1, 1998
Video games first came on the scene in the
1970s. In the last twenty-six years the games have gone
from bouncing a little white ball from side to side on
a screen to games of virtual reality in which one is a
character in the game itself. Newly emerging on-line games
enable a person to play and compete with many others in
cyber-space.
The majority of the games developed with
this evolving technology are entertaining, engaging, and
appropriate for children. A segment of the electronic
game market, however, features violence as a theme. The
violence has evolved with the technology from early shooting
games blasting mostly spaceships out of the sky to the
most gory violence seen today where characters literally
tear each other apart with all the realistic details accompanying
the act. Many of these games require the use of violence
often in increasing intensity to advance through the various
levels, thus using violence as a problem solving technique.
As a consequence, parents have to confront
the question of what effect does this kind of violence
have on video games' most frequent players: children 8
to 14 years old and younger. Research is only beginning
to give us a picture of what these effects might be. Due
to the recent arrival of ultra-violent video games on
the scene, there are relatively few studies available
when compared with the research on television violence.
Research on television violence clearly shows that a heavy
exposure causes negative effects on children. (Walsh,
1996)
Since there is not an extensive
body of research on the effects of video game violence,
some state that there is no harm to children. That was
the same argument used to defend television violence for
more than three decades. It was only after many years
of research had accumulated that that argument was abandoned.
There are also some who make the theoretical
argument that video game violence may actually be beneficial
for children because it gives them an outlet for aggression.
This "catharsis" hypothesis was also advanced
in the earliest days of the television violence debate.
When the research eventually showed it to be false, it
was no longer used. It is interesting to note that it
is being advanced again at a time when the research on
electronic game violence is in the early stages.
This short report does identify some of
the early findings from the research of electronic games.
Preference for Violent Games
A 1996 study, surveyed 900 fourth through
eighth graders on video game habits. They found that almost
50% of the favorite games chosen were of the fantasy violence
or human violence type. Girls more often chose games with
fantasy violence; boys preferred games with human violence
(Buchman, 1996).
A 1998 study, examined thirty-three popular
video games and found that almost 80% of games kids preferred
had violence or aggression as part of the play. Almost
half of this violence was directed toward other characters.
Twenty-one percent of the games depicted violence towards
women (Dietz, 1998).
Effects of Electronic Game Violence
With regard to the impact of video game
violence on children, at the present time there are too
few studies to support causal links. However, there are
trends that mirror much of the work done in the area of
television violence and its impact on children.
Especially for young children, there seems
to be an imitative effect of playing and observing video
game violence. Researchers found, for example, that in
a group of 5 to 7 year olds, children imitated during
free play what they had been just been exposed to on video
games. The children who played active but non-violent
games reflected that in their play, while children who
played games with violent themes showed more aggression
(Schutte, 1988).
In another study of 4 to 6 year olds, the
children's aggressive behavior in free play increased
after they had played or merely observed a violent video
game (Silvern, 1987). In a more recent study of sixty
second grade boys (ages 7 and 8), the boys who played
aggressive video games exhibited significantly more aggression
in subsequent free play and in a structured frustration
inducing exercise than boys who played non-aggressive
video games (Irwin, 1995). In a study with older children,
fifth grade girls were also observed to have increased
aggression in free play whether they played or just observed
the playing of violent video games (Cooper, 1986).
These studies suggest that in the short
term the impact of violent video games reaches out to
the interested observers, whether in the home or in the
arcade.
In other studies, various methods have been
used to measure post video game play aggression besides
observation of subsequent free play. In these studies
the results are more varied. Questionnaire surveys were
used in three studies of middle school and high school
students (Dominick, 1984; Kestenbaum, 1984; Fling, 1992).
Dominick and Fling found heavy video game use correlated
with aggressive attitudes; while Kestenbaum found heavy
video game use resulted in a calming effect. Unfortunately
the games studied in the early 1980s bear little resemblance
to the ultra-violent games of the late 1990s. Therefore
the ability to extrapolate is questionable.
A 1998 study found that after playing a
very violent video game children assigned more hostile
motives to others than children who had just played a
non-violent video game (Kirsh, 1998).
Thus, while the early results are not consistent,
most of the studies to date indicate that playing violent
video games does have negative effects, especially for
younger children. Further research is obviously needed
especially on the long-term effects.
Perhaps the most significant report to date
comes from Lt. Col. David Grossman, author of On Killing.
Before retiring from the military, Grossman spent
over twenty-five years learning and studying how to enable
soldiers to kill. Because killing does not come naturally,
the armed forces have developed specific programs to train
soldiers how to kill. The biggest barrier to killing is
the psychological resistance, not technical skills involved
in firing a weapon accurately. Grossman explains how psychological
conditioning techniques were systematically applied to
successfully eliminate that resistance.
As an acknowledged expert on "killology,"
Grossmans insights are particularly valuable. In
recent writings and interviews Grossman has been very
clear. The techniques used by the army to enable soldiers
to kill are the very same techniques used in todays
violent electronic games. "Children dont naturally
kill; they learn it from violence in the home and, most
pervasively, from violence as entertainment in television,
movies, and interactive video games." (Grossman,
1998)
REFERENCES
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aggression in children. Journal of Applied
Social Psychology. 1986, 16:726-744.
- Dietz, T. An examination of violence and gender
role portrayals in video games: Implications for gender
socialization and aggressive behavior. Sex Roles.
1998, 38:425-442.
- Dominick, J. Video games, television violence
and aggression in teenagers. Journal of Communication.
1984, 34:136-147.
- Grossman, D. On Killing. New York: Little
Brown and Company, 1996.
- Grossman, D. Trained to Kill. Christianity
Today. August 10, 1998.
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D. Video games, aggression, self esteem: A survey.
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- Walsh, D., Brown, L., and Goldman, L. Physician
Guide to Media Violence. Chicago, IL: American
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